Queen Padmini in historical context

Padmavati illustrated in a 18th c manuscript

Non-availability of facts does not makes a legend fase. The legends come out of facts only. Queen Padmini of Chittor and her sacrifice is one such legend which has never been analysed in historic context. The love story of Queen Padmavati and Rawal Ratan Singh of Chittor, and of the covetous Sultan Allaudin Khilji of Delhi suddenly errupts in a great detail in the Avadhi poetic epic Padmavat (c.1540) of Malik Mohammad Jayasi and its 12 Persian/Urdu versions. However, the episode of Padmini was known certainly before this date.

An illustration from Padmavat

            The historicity of Rawal Ratan Singh of Chittor (Chitrakut) is attested from an inscription dated 24 January 1303 on a stone slab embedded in a column of Annapurna Mata temple at Dariba (Kankroli). Thus Rawal Ratan Singh was the ruler of Chittor just four days before Allaudin Khilji left the fort of Siri in Delhi for his Chittor Campaign on 28 January 1303. Two coins of the reign of Rawal Ratan Singh now available in National Museum, New Delhi also attest him as a historical figure. There is one inscription of his father Rawal Samar Singh dated January 1302 at Cittor fort now shifted to Government Museum Udaipur. The Kumbhalgarh Inscription dated 1460 now kept in Gevernment Museum Udaipur in its verse 176-178  mentions:

“After leaving the defence of the Chitrakut hill (Chitor) in the hands of his son, Ratan Simh, the ruler Samar Simh with all his sins washed by the worship of Mahesh, became the lord of Swarg. When Ratan Singh had ‘left’, Lakshman Simh of the Khoman dynasty defended that majestic fort, even though the established traditions of the family be forsaken by cowards, those who are valorous and stedfast do not give up their duty. Having thus destroyed his enemies in battle, he (Lakshman Simh) died purified by weapons while defending Chitrakut.”

            Besides inscription, there is a contemporary literary reference that throw some more light on the incident. Khazanain-ul-Futuh (c. 1310) of Amir Khusro, which is kept in Kings College Library Cambridge, mentions the expedition on Chittor from horse’s mouth:

“On 28 January 1303, Sultan left Siri having firmely resolved to conquer Chittor, the moons of the flag got moving. The Sultan reached Chittor at the head of the army. Two wings of the army were deployed on the two sides of fort but the flood of the flashing swords of the Sultan’s army could reach no further than the waist line of the fort for as much as two months. The fort was then ordered to be pelted with stones shots through minjaniqs. This also failed. On 25 August 1303, the Solomon of the Age (Sultan Allaudin) entered the fort where even a fluttering sparrow could not go. Khusro, his hudhud (the favourite bird of Solomon who first brought him information about the charming Bilqis, the queen of Sheeba and was later sent with a message for the queen to surrender to him) followed into the citadel behind him....

 They shouted, “Hudhud, Hudhud” again and again. But I would not return; for I was afraid of the Sultan’s wrath. Just in case he enquired, “How is that I see not Hudhud around? Is he one of the deserters?” What would be my excuse for absence if he demanded, “Bring me a clear plea?” If the Emperor declares in his anger, “I shall chastise him,” how could the delicate bird have the strength to take the punishment? Having been singed from top to toe with the lightening of the Sultan’s wrath, the Rai (Rawat Ratan Singh) streaked throught he stony gate like a spark from a stone and dashed to the royal pavilion while getting drenched on the way. This way, he saved himself from the swords flashing like lightening. Hindus believe that brass utensils attract lightening. The Rai’s face, then, looked pale like brass (out of panic). The cool breeze of the royal mercy saw to it that no hot wind of hostility blew by him. However, thirty thousand hindus became the victims of his wrath and they were mown like dry grass.”

            In the narrative of Amir Khusro, a few important facts emerge, which are not yet considered by historians and later on destorted by Hindu bards and Islamic chronicle writers. First fact is is the surrender of Rawal Ratan Singh to Allaudin Khilji, which was omitted later on by bards and historians. However, a contemporary sanskrit work Nabhinandana Jinadhara Prabandha (c. 1336) written by Kakka Suri mentions: ‘Alavdina captured the ruler of Chitrakuta fort, confiscated his property and made him move like a ‘neck-tied’ monkey from city to city’. (चित्रकूट दुर्गेशं बध्वा लात्वा च तध्दनम , कंठ्बद्ध कपिमिव भ्राम्यंतम् च पुरे पुरे.) Kumbhalgarh inscription dated 1460 also indirectly refers Ratan Singh’s act  of ‘leaving’ Chittor  as cowardice.   

Another important fact which was indirectly put up by Amir Khusro is the simily of Biblical story of Solomon, Hudhud and non-descriptant Bilqis. Describing Alaudin as King Solomon, himself as bird Hudhud thus implicating Padmini as queen Bilqis. Khusro entered the fort  along with his master and then went missing. He was reluctant to appear before the Sultan as the soldiers behind the Sultan were crying ‘Hudhud, Hudhud’. Probably, the mission of the hindi-sppeaking and sweet-talking Khusro was to excercise his charms on the beautiful lady and put her for a consensual submission to Sultan, rather than a cumpulsive affair. His mission failed when the lady reduced herself to ashes; and Amir Khusro was reluctant to face the wrath of emperor. However, thirty thousand Rajputs had to face the anger and wrath of the Sultan. Also the Rawal, who was kindly treated in the begining got badly humiliated in the end. The lustful demand for Padmini and her subsequent jauhar must have been a humiliating experience for the Sultan.Khusro, therefore, must have thought it wise not to talk about these events openly.

            Similarly, this episode of cowardice of Ratan Simh in first allowing Alaudin to see a indecent glimpse of the queen and then his surrendering and humiliation by Sultan was also a disgrace to the House of Chittor, and there was a silence for next 200 years. But the valour and sacrifice of Rani Padmini was definitely in the minds of the people and it came out slowly in latter literature with minor distortions.

            The first reference of Rani Padmini’s name appears in Chitai Charit (c. 1526) written by Narain Das at Sarangpur during the regime of Salhadi Purbiya.  Verse 455 and 456 mentions three contemporary historical royal ladies, Deval Devi of Ranthambhor, Padmini of Chittor and Chhitai of Devgiri who were coveted by the Delhi Sultan. The verses say:

             रंथम्भोर देवल लगि गयो, मेरो काज न एकौ भयो.

      एउ बोलइ ढीली कउ धनी, मइ चित्तोर् सुनि पदुमिनी. 455

      बंध्यो रतन सेन मइ जाइ, लइगो बादिल ताहि छ्डाइ.

      जो अबके न छिताइ लेऊ, तो यह सीसु देवगिरि देऊ. 456

It is well known that during the seige of Ranthambhor in c.1301 by Sultan Allaudin Khilji, princess Deval Devi daughter of Rana Hammir Deva Chauhan along with other ladies committed jauhar. Similarly, Allaudin Khilji laid seige of Chittor in c. 1303 and even imprisoned Rawal Ratan Singh Guhilot of Chittor to get his queen Padmini, but Badal Chauhan and other rajputs rescued him back and Rani Padmini and other ladies of Chittor did jauhar. He then turned to Devgiri in c.1307, where he coveted Chhitai, daughter of Raja Ram Chander Dev of Devagiri who was finally captured by him and added to Sultan’s haram.

Padmavat, written in Persian script with language Avadhi in 1540 by Malik Mohammad Jaisi near Amethi in UP mentions in great detail the story of Padmini. Padmavat being written by a Muslim and showing a Muslim Sultan in poor  light makes the story creditable. The main characters of Padmavat are of course Padmavati, daughter of King Goverdhan of Ceylon and Rawal Ratan Simh of Chitrakut, who are in love. Sultan Alaudin Khilji of Siri (Delhi) wants to possess Padmavati by force. Raghav Chenan is the mendicant who informs the Sultan about the extraordinary beauty of Padmavati and asks him to get her by invading Chittor. The story was known by then and  Jaisi has admited that his source material comes from Kavi Bain.

Gora Badal Kavit by an anonymous writer is a small work consisting of just 82 verses, and is said to be written even earlier than Padmavat. Both Padmavat and this work seems to have been composed independent of each other. Though the theme is same, but this work mentions Gora and Badal as Chauhan warriors, and central theme is the rescue operation by Gora and Badal to save the honour and dignity of their queen Padmini. Based upon this manuscript, is the Gora Badal Padmini Chaupai, a poetic composition of 620 verses by Jain muni Hem Ratan at Sadarhi Rajasthan in c. 1588. The writer acknowledges Kavi Hetamadan as the source of his story. A number of works followed soon such as Ain-i-Akbari (c.1590) of Abul Fazl which briefly mentions the Padmini story independent of Jaisi’s Padmavat;  Tawarikh-i-Ferishta (c.1609) by Mohammad Qasim Farishta; Padmini Gora Badal Cahupai by Jat Mal Nahar of Lahore (c. 1613); Padmini Charit Chaupai by Labdhodaya (c. 1650); and Khuman Raso by Daulat Vijaya (18^th c) with a chapter on Padmini episode.